Revista Científica Interdisciplinaria Investigación y Saberes
2022, Vol. 12, No. 1 e-ISSN: 1390-8146
Published by: Luis Vargas Torres Technical University
How to cite this article (APA
): Valdez, A., Huerta, D. (2022) Cognitive Voter Window: A Methodological
Proposal to Better Understand Voters, Revista Científica Interdisciplinaria Investigación y Saberes, 12(1)
24-38
Cognitive Voter Window: A Methodological Proposal to Better
Understand Voters
Ventana Cognitiva del Elector: Una Propuesta Metodológica para Conocer Mejor a los
Votantes
Andres Valdez Zepeda
Doctorado en estudios latinoamericanos, Universidad de Guadalajara. andres.zepeda@cusur.udg.mx, ORCID: 0000-0002-4287-
2638
Delia Amparo Huerta Franco
Maestra en administración de la educación, Centro Universitario de Ciencias Económicas Administrativas de la Universidad de
Guadalajara. avaldezepeda@gmail.com, ORCID: 0000-0003-4948-0626
The article proposes a new methodology for the knowledge of
the electorate, coming from the field of psychology, which can
serve as part of the inputs to define political communication
strategies to win elections. By knowing the electorate better,
one has a competitive advantage that can be decisive in winning
an electoral campaign. The importance of voter knowledge is
exemplified by describing the cases of the presidential elections
in Colombia and Mexico in 2018. It is concluded that the
cognitive window of the voter enables a better knowledge of
the voters, and consequently, can help to improve the strategic
sense in the struggle to occupy spaces of public representation
in democratic regimes.
Keywords:
Voter's cognitive window, methodology, citizens,
electoral campaigns, democratic systems, presidential election
Resumen
El artículo propone una nueva metodología para el
conocimiento del electorado, proveniente del campo de la
psicología, misma que puede servir como parte de los insumos
Abstract
Received 2021-02-5
Revised 2021-08- 08
Accepted 2021- 11-2
Published 2022-01- 04
Corresponding Author
Andres Valdez Zepeda
andres.zepeda@cusur.udg.mx
Pages: 24-38
https://creativecommons.or
g/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/
Distributed under
Copyright: © The Author(s)
Cognitive Voter Window: A Methodological Proposal to Better Understand Voters
Revista Científica Interdisciplinaria Investigación y Saberes , /2022 / / , Vol. 12, No. 1
25
para definir las estrategias de comunicación política que
permita ganar elecciones. Al conocer mejor al elector, se cuenta
con una ventaja competitiva que puede ser determinante para
ganar una campaña electoral. Se ejemplifica la importancia del
conocimiento del elector describiendo los casos de las
elecciones presidenciales en Colombia y México en el 2018. Se
concluye, que la ventana cognitiva del elector posibilita un
mejor conocimiento de los votantes, y en consecuencia, puede
ayudar a mejorar el tino estratégico en la lucha por ocupar
espacios de representación pública en regímenes de cuño
democrático.
Palabras clave:
Ventana cognitiva del elector, metodología,
ciudadanos, campañas electorales, sistemas democráticos,
elecciones presidenciales
Introduction
Since the time of the Caesars, during the Roman democracy, the need
to know the voters during political campaigns was raised, since there
was the intuition that from a deep knowledge of the citizens, it would
be much easier to propose the necessary strategies to persuade them
and be able to win their vote. In this regard, Quintus Cicero wrote in
64 B.C. the Electoral Campaign Manual to help his brother, Marcus
Tullius Cicero, to win the election for the Roman consulship, a high
position of public representation.
In this campaign manual, Quintus Cicero points out "There are three
things in particular that lead men to show a good disposition and to
give their support in an election; namely, benefits, expectations and
sincere sympathy. It is necessary to study carefully in what way these
resources can be availed of." That is to say, Quintus Cicero already
raised since 64 B.C. the need to know the voters in depth in order to
use this knowledge to propose the strategy to win the elections.
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Nowadays, there are several methodologies used in the field of
politics, whose main objective is to know voters in depth in order to
use this knowledge to articulate strategies to persuade them and thus
obtain their vote. Thus, before and during electoral campaigns, a
series of quantitative and qualitative or mixed methodologies are
used, seeking to know the motivations, reasons and non-reasons of
voters, in order to influence their conduct and behavior.
One of the tools of cognitive psychology used to try to learn about
people's interaction is the Johary Window, which can also be used to
learn about voters.
In this article, the Johary window is described, as well as a new
methodology to be applied in the process of interpersonal interaction
and knowledge of voters is presented. It is exemplified with the cases
of the presidential elections in Colombia and Mexico in 2018. The
objective is to achieve a new methodological approach that allows a
better knowledge of the voters and thus to better articulate the
strategies to try to persuade them and obtain their vote.
Materials and methods
The Johary window was created in order to get to know human beings
better and to know how they interact. It also helps to know oneself
and to know about one's reputation in a given space and time. The
window is composed of four parts, also called rooms, quadrants or
areas: the public, the blind, the hidden and the unknown. The public
area is composed of information known to the person and also known
to others. The blind area is composed of information that is unknown
to the person but known to others. The hidden area is composed of
information that the person knows but others do not know. And
finally, the unknown area is composed of information that the person
does not know and that others do not know.
The public area is made up of that which is known by oneself and also
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by others. That is, it is the part of ourselves that others also know. The
blind area is that which we do not know about ourselves, but which is
known to others. That is, it is the part that others perceive but we do
not. What others know about us and do not tell us or say. It is the
impression we make on others. The hidden area is that which is
known to oneself but not to others. What we know about ourselves
but do not want to share with others (feelings, ideas, secrets, fears,
etc.). And the unknown area is what we do not know about ourselves
and what others do not know about us. It is the most mysterious part
of the sub-conscious and that neither oneself nor others can perceive.
It is a kind of hidden capacities and abilities that we have but we are
not conscious of.
In the business area, the Johary window is very useful to know how
customers interact with brands and in the processes of improving
reputation, image, perception and personal branding.
In addition, this methodology is very good to know the human
interaction process and to improve the communication processes and
the perspective of interpersonal relationships, since it uses two very
important points of view. The Self and the Others. That is, the internal
and external point of view, allowing self-evaluation and feedback.
Based on Johary's window, we can work on the construction of a new
tool to try to better understand the processes of interaction and
communication in an electoral campaign and, above all, it allows us
to better understand voter behavior, which is an important cognitive
basis to be able to propose a successful strategy during campaigns.
For this, it is necessary to build a new window formed by four areas
(very similar to Johary's window). These are: the public area, the
private area, the unknown area and the hidden area.
The public area is constituted by information that, as its name
indicates, is of a public nature or that can be public by being obtained
through the use of diverse research methods of a quantitative or
qualitative nature. The private area is constituted by information that
we generally do not know about the voter, but if we investigate it
properly we can obtain such information through different research
methods and strategies. The unknown area is constituted by
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information that we do not know about the voter. And the hidden area
is constituted with information that we do not know about the voter
and that, as its name indicates, the voter hides from us. These areas
are illustrated in the following diagram.
Figure 1.
The VAZA Window
Source: Prepared by Andrés Valdez Zepeda, 2018.
The public area: What we know about the voter. It is public
knowledge and is obtained by information that is published mainly in
statistics, mass media and social networks. For example, average age,
sex, place of origin, level of employment, per capita income, religion,
social class, etc. It is knowledge that is available in censuses, reports,
surveys and social networks.
b. The private area: What is private but generally made public by the
voter. It is a specific knowledge of the voter that is generally obtained
through a process of research by opinion polls and qualitative and
quantitative studies on his behavior and political preference. For
example, it is information that the voter can keep confidential but
generally makes public about his electoral preference, voting habits,
political militancy, party identity and ideology. It also includes
information about their beliefs, values, attitudes, motivations and
Lo que no
nos dice el
elector
Lo que no
conocemos
del elector
Lo que nos
dice el
elector
Lo que
conocemos
del elector
Area Pública Area Privada
Area
Oculta
Area
Desconocida
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behavior, as well as their electoral loyalty and level of vulnerability to
seduction, courtship and persuasion strategies by parties and
candidates.
c. The unknown area: What we do not know about the voter. This is
more precise information about the voter's capacity for indignation,
the magnitude of his or her anger, the degree of satisfaction or
dissatisfaction with the government and the politicians in office, his or
her party affiliations and phobias, as well as his or her political
sympathies and antipathies. This information can be obtained through
indirect means such as interviews with relatives, neighbors, friends of
the voter and through what is known as "data mining" on what the
voter does and publishes in his social networks.
The hidden area: What the voter does not tell us. It is information
about their real intentions, their true preference, about the
motivations of their behavior, their prejudices, traumas and
resentments in relation to politics and their interests. This information
can be obtained by indirect means through the analysis of the
elector's behavior, electoral results and neuro-marketing.
These four windows allow us to have a broader and deeper
knowledge of the voter, using both traditional and modern research
methodologies of voter behavior. Knowledge of the public and
private area of the voter is important but insufficient. Therefore,
relevant information is also required about what has been called here
the unknown area and, above all, about the hidden area. The
knowledge obtained with this new instrument allows the design and
articulation of the strategy, since knowledge underpins any successful
strategy.
Results
In order to try to exemplify the use of both the Cognitive Voter
Window and the CEA Technique, two election cases are presented
below, in which the deep knowledge of voters and their motivations
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supported the strategy that, applied during the campaigns, led to the
triumph of two presidential elections in Latin America.
a. The case of the Colombian presidential election, 2018.
The presidential elections in Colombia were held, in its second round,
on June 17, 2018. Iván Duque, candidate of the Democratic Center
Party, won this election with 53.98 percent of the votes, against
Gustavo Petro, candidate of Colombia Humana, who obtained 41.81
percent of the votes.
This result can be explained by an adequate diagnosis of the feelings
of Colombian citizens and an adequate segmentation of markets, in
addition to the strategic outline that allowed mobilizing the fear and
anger of the voters towards the ballot box to turn them into electoral
victory. That is to say, there was an adequate diagnosis of the
Colombian voter, including information on "what we traditionally do
not know" and "what the electro does not say" in traditional surveys,
but which is intuited or known by indirect means or sources. Thus, in
this presidential election, the deep knowledge of the voter was the
determining factor in defining the strategy, which, when put into
action, made possible the victory of the candidate of the Democratic
Center Party.
In the first place, Duque's strategists took advantage of the crisis in
Venezuela, a neighboring and close country, to frighten Colombian
voters, advertising that, if the candidate of the left, Gustavo Petro,
won, Colombia would be like Venezuela, with serious economic and
political problems. In fact, in their advertisements in electronic media,
social networks and billboards throughout the country it was stated
"so that Colombia is not another Venezuela, vote for Duque". That is
to say, they knew in depth and in advance of the elections, the fear
generated among voters by the current situation in Venezuela, which
they used for political-electoral purposes.
Secondly, Duque managed to mobilize the most conservative sector
in Colombia that in recent years has opposed the peace process,
unifying with his message the radical and moderate right, as well as
the different Christian and Catholic churches that oppose abortion,
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same-sex marriage and the use of marijuana for medicinal and
recreational purposes, among other things.
Thirdly, Duque managed to mobilize the social discontent generated
by the government of Juan Manuel Santos, regarding the peace
process itself and the "impunity" towards the guerrillas of the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), by the increase in
taxes and by a decrease in public investment generated by the drop
in international oil prices, among others. In addition, Duque had the
support of former president Álvaro Uribe, who has broad social
support, mainly from conservative groups that have opposed the
Santos government and the past pacification process in Colombia.
In short, an adequate diagnosis of the electorate and an analysis of
the prevailing political context itself, through what we have called
here as the voter's cognitive window, allowed them to carry out the
strategic outline and political communication focused on specific
groups and sectors of voters, which finally helped Iván Duque
Márquez win the Colombian presidential election.
b. The case of the presidential election in Mexico, 2018.
On July 1, 2018, general elections were held in Mexico to elect the
president of the republic, 500 federal deputies and 128 senators of
the republic, in addition to elections for governor in 9 different states
or entities of the republic. According to the National Electoral Institute
(INE), Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), candidate of the
Coalition Juntos Haremos Historia, was elected as president of
Mexico for the 2018-2024 term after obtaining 52.9 percent of the
votes.
What explains this result and what role did the CEA technique and the
knowledge of voters play in the campaign strategy that led AMLO to
victory? Undoubtedly, a deep knowledge of the voters, an adequate
segmentation of the electoral market and a good strategic judgment
were decisive in AMLO's success in the 2018 presidential election.
First of all, AMLO's campaign team detected very well the grievance
of millions of voters and the great social unrest generated by the
abuses of power, the corruptness in government and the lack of
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solutions to the problems of poverty, insecurity and impunity of the
current political class, represented by the Institutional Revolutionary
Party (PRI) and the National Action Party (PAN). In fact, President
Enrique Peña Nieto had the highest disapproval rating in Mexico's
political history, since according to the newspaper El
Economista/Consulta Mitosfky, nine months before the end of his
term, the president only had 21 percent approval rating from
Mexicans.
Secondly, a good market segmentation, since AMLO's campaign
communication was aimed mainly at young people, the sectors with
higher education levels and those citizens who disapproved of the
actions of the current government, focusing its messages on criticizing
the high levels of corruption and the management crisis, presenting
itself as the only option for a real change for Mexico.
Thirdly, AMLO's strategic good sense, which included the creation of
strategic alliances with other political parties (Partido del Trabajo and
Partido Encuentro Social), with social organizations and diverse social
and political leaders, in addition to moderating his discourse, being
more inclusive and building a dynamic and strong structure for the
promotion, care and defense of the vote, as well as taking advantage
of the division of the opposition and the erosion of the incumbent
government.
In sum, using the CEA technique and the voter's cognitive window,
AMLO achieved a milestone in Mexico's modern history, winning with
a large margin the presidency of the republic, most of the
governorships in dispute and the majority of the Congress of the
Union.
Due to population growth and thus the need for territorial expansion,
there is a need to implement new wastewater treatment plants, which
also leads to an increase in the generation of sewage sludge, thus
becoming a waste requiring treatment. The current systems for the
treatment of this sludge entail construction, energy, operation and
mechanical costs, as well as impacts due to atmospheric emissions
and noise. For this reason it is important to develop and research new
Cognitive Voter Window: A Methodological Proposal to Better Understand Voters
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low-cost technologies with less impact on the environment, such as
artificial wetlands and vericomposting.
Wetlands and vermicomposting, when used separately, demonstrate
high efficiencies in the removal of contaminants such as pathogens
and heavy metals from the sewage sludge, also achieving the
respective dewatering and mineralization. Both are low-cost
technologies in construction and operation.
Constructed wetlands depend on climatic conditions for a correct and
rapid stabilization of organic matter. Within these, the
microbiological and biochemical parameters vary during the sludge
supply and settling stages, and it is therefore essential to consider the
duration of the process at the time of use. Drying is essentially due
to evapotranspiration carried out by plants.
Vermicomposting in sewage sludge leaves a product with good
characteristics to be used as fertilizer. The worms through their
digestive system process the organic matter and release a product
rich in nutrients.
The use of earthworms in artificial wetlands provides an additional and
effective aid when dewatering and stabilizing the sewage sludge for
use in agricultural soil, so this combination should be studied in
greater detail focusing on the removal of contaminants such as
antibiotics, antibiotic resistance genes, heavy metals, microplastics,
emerging pollutants, viruses. In the latter, the Sars-cov-2 virus and its
permanence in the sewage sludge after going through the treatment
process and applied as fertilizer should be the object of study.
Results
The word strategy was first used by the Greeks. It arises from the word
strategos, which initially meant general in chief of the army. This term
was given the meaning of planning the destruction of the enemy
through the efficient use of resources. The concept evolved until it
became the art of winning the war. In antiquity, Homer testified in his
classic work (The Iliad) about some successful military strategies, such
as the narrative of the Trojan Horse. Zun Tzu, the great master of
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strategy, wrote his book, "The Art of War," 500 years before Christ,
in which a series of strategies aimed at defeating the enemy and
winning the war are recounted. Other great strategists were
Napoleon, Lenin and Mao Tse Tung, to name a few.
Today, the term strategy connotes an intelligent and creative way of
doing things in order to achieve the objectives sought, being applied
not only in the military field, but also, among other fields such as
business, sports and, above all, in politics and electoral campaigns. In
the latter field, the campaign strategy consists of a linked and
coherent set of action parameters that seek to minimize efforts and
optimize results, leading the partisan and political actions to triumph.
1
According to Tony Schwartz (1974), the right strategy allows to touch
the right keys to play the "comprehensive chord", the message that
moves the voter. Strategies include taking advantage of the
opportunities and strengths of the campaign itself, party (s) and
candidate (s), as well as the weaknesses and threats of the adversaries,
minimizing the risks, obstacles and strengths of the opponents.
However, every electoral campaign is won at a strategic and tactical
level. The battle to conquer the voters is becoming more intense, in
such a way that the partisan formations and, in particular, the
candidates seek strategies and tactical applications that generate
comparative advantages over the opposition in order to win the
elections, since, to a great extent, the success or failure of a campaign
is determined in terms of the strategy it uses. That is, the strategy
used in the campaign defines an outcome. It defines whether the
election is won or lost, but for that the strategies have to be well
articulated. That is, a campaign with disarticulated strategies is also a
campaign that fails.
The strategy is the general plan, a set of action guidelines that allows
the campaign to achieve the objectives it has set. Tactics are specific,
highly particularized actions and moves. In other words, strategy
involves much more general issues and approaches, while tactics refer
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to much more specific issues. Strategy, moreover, is long-term, tactics
short-term. Strategy is macro and tactics is micro. One is the whole
and the other is the parts. Strategy tells us what needs to be done,
while tactics is how to get what needs to be done done.
According to political theory, strategy has five special characteristics:
first, they are elaborated before actions are taken; second, they are
developed consciously; third, they are purposeful; fourth, they
provide advantages over competitors; and fifth, they must always be
renewed. The only certainty is that nothing is certain. Therefore, they
require frequent reinvention, not only of strategies, but also of the
way of thinking about strategy. In other words, strategy is also subject
to change.
Now, knowledge of the electorate is the basis for the design of the
strategy. If we know what moves voters, then we are in a position to
articulate various strategies that allow us to persuade and mobilize
them to the ballot box. In this sense, the information that can be
obtained using the Cognitive Voter Window is fundamental to be
more competitive and to be able to win elections. That is to say, in
order to win elections, a deep knowledge of the electorate is required
and from this knowledge, it is necessary to design a winning strategy.
However, for the strategy to work, it is not enough just to be able to
devise it, think about it or put it down on paper in a strategic
campaign plan. For the strategy to work, it is necessary to put it into
operation and fine-tune it as necessary as the campaign progresses.
The strategy in action implies the capacity to put it into operation, to
make it work so that it generates the expected results, since a good
strategy is useless if it is not implemented according to the
circumstances and the context in which the election takes place. In
this way, research, strategy and action constitute a very important tool
to be successful during the electoral campaigns. This triad forms a
basic methodology that every professionalized electoral campaign
must follow and which is called the CEA technique (Knowledge,
Strategy and Action). Below is the diagram of this technique that
allows winning elections.
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Source: Prepared by Andrés Valdez Zepeda, 2017.
Conclusions
In an electoral campaign, knowledge of the voter is extremely
important to be able to make the strategic outline that allows to
persuade them better and thus obtain their vote. In other words,
understanding the voter and knowing him in depth is key to winning
elections.
In order to know the voter it is important to use different means and
tools that allow us to get closer to the knowledge of his behavior and
conduct. Therefore, it is necessary to use new tools, which are part of
the so-called strategic intelligence, to be more competitive and win
the dispute for political power, under a democratic system.
One of these new tools is the Cognitive Voter Window, which is
composed of four quadrants: the public area (what is known about the
voter); the private area (what is private but the voter makes public);
the unknown area (what we do not know about the voter) and the
hidden area (what the voter does not tell us and tries to hide).
In many electoral campaigns, the voter is not really known, what
moves him and motivates him to participate or not in the electoral
Acción
Estrategia
Conocimiento
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processes, so many candidates and political parties appeal to
occurrences or assumptions, promoting strategies without having
certainty of the impact they have on the behavior of voters.
For the strategy of an electoral campaign to be successful, as in the
cases of the elections in Colombia and Mexico described above, it is
necessary to consider the four quadrants of the Cognitive Window,
which allows a deeper understanding of the behavior and conduct of
voters. This new tool summons us and allows us to think beyond the
traditional, trying to know what is unknown and often hidden by the
voter, but which is an important motivator of their behavior.
Thus, the Cognitive Window is a new tool based on quantitative and
qualitative methods that allows us a better cognitive approach to try
to understand the voter in greater depth, in order to achieve greater
connectivity with him and to be able to touch his sensitive cords that
allow us to achieve his vote. However, the strategy must know how to
apply or operate to ensure that it generates the expected results,
adjusting to the context and the particular circumstances of the
election.
Finally, it only remains to say that although implementation is the
biggest challenge of the strategy, it can also be said that knowledge
defines the strategy. In other words, tools such as the Elector's
Cognitive Window allow us to know the electorate better and this
knowledge becomes the basis of a winning strategy during electoral
campaigns.
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