Revista Científica Interdisciplinaria Investigación y Saberes
2022, Vol. 12, No. 3 e-ISSN: 1390-8146
Published by: Universidad Técnica Luis Vargas Torres
Corozo, B., Amador, B., Rodríguez, J., Márquez, J. (2022) Food sovereignty on the northwestern coast of
Ecuador, Revista Científica Interdisciplinaria Investigación y Saberes, 12(3) 110-129
Food sovereignty on the northwestern coast of Ecuador
Soberanía alimentaria en la costa noroccidental de Ecuador
Betty Corozo Angulo
Msc. Universidad Técnica "Luis Vargas Torres" de Esmeraldas,
Esmeraldas Ecuador Betty.corozoa@utelvt.edu.ec, ORCID: 0000-0001-
6035-2583
Belén Amador Rodríguez
Msc. Universidad Técnica "Luis Vargas Torres" de Esmeraldas,
Esmeraldas Ecuador belen.amadorr@utelvt.edu.ec, ORCID: 0000-0003-
4692-202X
Johanna Rodríguez Estacio
Msc. Universidad Técnica "Luis Vargas Torres" de Esmeraldas,
Esmeraldas Ecuador Johanna.rodrigueze@utelvt.edu.ec, ORCID: 0000-
0001-7307-6901
Jessica Márquez Ramírez
Msc. Universidad Técnica "Luis Vargas Torres" de Esmeraldas,
Esmeraldas Ecuador jessica. marquezr@utelvt.edu.ec, ORCID: 0000-
0003-3428-1579
The research consisted of identifying the spaces of traditional
uses for food security and sovereignty, as well as learning
about traditional gastronomy and understanding the
mandates of the elders on the importance of rationally
managing natural resources for collective well-being in
communities located in the upper basin of the Cayapas River,
Telembí parish, Eloy Alfaro canton, northwestern coast of
Ecuador. The methodology applied was qualitative, using
bibliographic review, semi-structured interview techniques and
focus groups. The sample included 60 male and female
producers and leaders from 10 communities (37% of the
universe), applying gender and generational approaches. As a
result, it was observed that the inhabitants manage natural
resources in close relation to the concept of peasant family
agriculture, which responds to the cosmovision and productive
practices of ancestral communities. These populations
struggle to conserve their territory, sustain the agrifood system
to guarantee food security and sovereignty, in a context of
antagonism between local actors and hegemonic economic
Abstract
Received 2022-04-07
Revised 2022-06-12
Accepted 2022-07-10
Published 2022-09-04
Corresponding Author
Betty Coroza Angulo
Betty.corozo@utelvt.edu.ec
Pages: 110-129
https://creativecommons.or
g/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/
Distributed under
Copyright: © The Author(s)
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groups (agroindustrial capitalism). The communities have
clearly identified and manage their traditional uses for food
production (hills, canoeras, cantero, forest and river), which
have been sustained for more than 300 years in the territory.
The way and the reasons for preparing food are linked to daily
events, festivals and rituals, allowing the strengthening of
traditions through gastronomy. The teaching mechanisms of
the elders have contributed to recovering, strengthening,
repositioning and reconstructing the existence of the
communities as an ancestral right.
Key words:
Afro-Ecuadorians, Chachis, Food security and
sovereignty, Ancestral territories, Collective memory.
Resumen
La investigación consistió en identificar los espacios de usos
tradicionales para la seguridad y soberanía alimentaria,
asimismo, se planteó conocer la gastronomía tradicional y
comprender los mandatos de las y los mayores sobre la
importancia de manejar racionalmente los recursos naturales
para el bienestar colectivo en comunidades asentadas en la
cuenca alta del río Cayapas, parroquia Telembí, cantón Eloy
Alfaro, costa noroccidental ecuatoriana. La metodología
aplicada fue de carácter cualitativa, empleando la revisión
bibliográfica, técnicas de entrevistas semiestructurada y
grupos focales. En la muestra participaron 60 productores y
productoras, líderes y lideresas de 10 comunidades (37% del
universo) aplicando enfoques de género y generacional.
Como resultado, se observó que los habitantes realizan un
manejo de los recursos naturales en estrecha relación con el
concepto de agricultura familiar campesina, que responde a la
cosmovisión y prácticas productivas de comunidades
ancestrales. Estas poblaciones luchan por conservar su
territorio, sostener el sistema agroalimentario para garantizar
la seguridad y soberanía alimentaria, en un contexto de
antagonismo entre actores locales y grupos económicos
hegemónicos (capitalismo agroindustrial). Las comunidades
tienen claramente identificados y manejan sus espacios de
usos tradicionales para la producción de alimentos (colino,
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canoeras, cantero, bosque y río) sostenidos por más de 300
años en el territorio. La forma y los motivos para preparar los
alimentos están ligados a eventos cotidianos, festivos y
rituales, permitiendo fortalecer las tradiciones desde la
gastronomía. Los mecanismos de enseñanza de los mayores
han contribuido a recuperar, fortalecer, reposicionar y
reconstruir la existencia de las comunidades como derecho
ancestral.
Palabras clave:
Afroecuatorianos, Chachis, Seguridad y
soberanía alimentaria, Territorios ancestrales, Memoria
colectiva
Introduction
This research focuses on the northwestern coast of Ecuador,
specifically in the north of the province of Esmeraldas. This area is
identified as the biogeographic Chocó zone, one of the areas with the
greatest biodiversity on the planet, due to its endemic flora and fauna.
In addition, it is a multi-ethnic strip due to the coexistence of
indigenous and Afro-Ecuadorian communities in the Cayapas River
basin (Ministerio del Ambiente. 2020).
In this context, traditional knowledge becomes feasible as a
mechanism for reinventing the modern structure, which proves to be
unsustainable in the face of the new demands of society - food
production in the face of climate change -, based on an enclave
economy that was structured in the province of Esmeraldas,
represented by an extractivist model.
This area has the highest rates of unsatisfied basic needs (UBN)
poverty (95% poverty and extreme poverty at 61.7%) in the province
(PDOT Provincial, 2015). Poor nutrition problems mainly affect
children living in these conditions, "that is why more than a third (35%)
of children belonging to households with consumption below the
poverty line suffer from chronic malnutrition" (Estrategia de
Seguridad y Soberanía Alimentaria, 2015, p.29).
In the Eloy Alfaro and San Lorenzo cantons, the irrational intervention
of these companies through an extractive economic system has led to
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the expulsion of populations, especially black communities, as noted
by the Esmeraldean writer Juan Garcia (2010). Alberto Acosta (2009)
argues that the increase in poverty levels has been caused by this
economic system:
Although it may not seem credible at first sight, recent evidence and
many accumulated experiences allow us to affirm that poverty in many
countries of the world is related to the existence of a significant wealth
of natural resources. Countries rich in natural resources, whose
economies are based primarily on their extraction and export, find it
more difficult to develop. (p.1)
The particularity of these territories is that historically they have
developed traditional practices, product of the existence of the Afro-
Ecuadorian people, who regrouped in common territories in the
northern zone of Esmeraldas as processes of self-repair, of creating
and recreating the culture and its philosophy. Regarding the concept
of territory, as stated by Minda (2002): "It is much broader than land,
farm or lot, and includes all the richness of the black people: their
culture, biological and social reproduction expressed as continuity
and politics" (p.58).
The existence of the Chachi indigenous community dates back to the
arrival of the Afro-Ecuadorian people, in these territorial spaces the
guardians of the collective memory transmitted orally the cultural
seed to the current generations. According to the local philosophy,
the collective memory is:
For us, collective memory is the reaffirmation of what tradition
teaches us, of what the ancestor teaches; because it is in the
whole collective, people have more or less knowledge about a
fact, a way of doing things, a value or a saying, a being, a way
of understanding. All the people [casa adentro] know what we
are talking about. Collective memory is a collectivized
knowledge, it is the entrenchment, the verification of what an
ancestral fact is because all the people know it, it is what allows
us to continue (García & Walsh, 2015, p.88).
According to chroniclers such as Father Federico González Suárez, the
Chachi are believed to have originated in Central America (Nicaragua
and Panama) and the blacks from Africa (Rueda, 2000). The spaces
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occupied by the Chachi and black peoples in this area have been
sustained for more than 300 years despite climatic, social, political
and cultural changes. In addition, these territories have resisted the
modification of consumption patterns with some innovations
promoted by state institutions, non-governmental organizations and
international cooperation that have been partially adopted by the
communities while the projects are being implemented.
The purpose of the research was to identify the spaces of traditional
uses for food security and sovereignty, as well as to learn about
traditional gastronomy accompanied by ancestral knowledge, flavors,
smells and colors that were generated with the products harvested
and acquired in the spaces, and to understand the mandates of the
elders on the importance of rationally managing natural resources
that allows these peoples "collective welfare or living with dignity".
Methodology
The methodology used is qualitative in nature, and the focus group
technique was mainly used, which consists of data collection through
a semi-structured group interview, which revolves around a theme
proposed by the researcher. There have been different definitions of
focus group; however, many authors agree that it is a discussion
group, guided by a set of carefully designed questions with a
particular objective (Aigneren, 2006; Beck, Bryman and Futing, 2004
cited by Escobar and Bonilla Jiménez, 2009, p. 52). The main purpose
of the focus group is to bring out attitudes, feelings, beliefs,
experiences and reactions in the participants.
Regarding the individual interview, Denzin and Lincoln (2005, p. 643)
consider that this technique is the art of asking questions and listening
to answers, which is why it has a negotiating character. In this sense,
he defines it as "a conversation" where topics that the researcher
wants to know are addressed and its success depends on the personal
characteristics of the interviewer (cited in Vargas, 2012).
Regarding the application of the techniques, it is important to
highlight that this fieldwork has been developed over three years. The
focus groups that have been carried out at different times have been
integrated by 60 leaders, both Chachi and Afro-Ecuadorian; men and
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women, bearers of knowledge and guardians of the collective
memory of the native communities of the Telembí parish. Of the 60
people we worked with, 60 % were women and 40 % men. Thirty-
eight percent of the women were over 40 years of age; 32% were over
60 years of age and 32% were under 30 years of age. Forty percent
of the men who attended these events were over 50 years of age; 30
% were over 70 years of age and the remaining 30 % were over 30
years of age.
The topics raised in each focus group were related to the five
traditional use spaces, through which the communities access food in
the framework of food sovereignty: hill, canoera, cantero, mountain
(forest) and river. The discussions began with a reading on the
traditional use spaces that allowed the members of the focus groups
to generate an analysis, reflection and debate prior to the issues
raised by each space.
Results
The Ecuadorian Constitution (2008) states that "food sovereignty
constitutes a strategic objective and an obligation of the State" (p.
107), specifying the responsibility of the State in 14 clauses according
to Article 281 of the Constitution to "ensure that individuals,
communities, peoples and nationalities achieve self-sufficiency in
healthy and culturally appropriate food on a permanent basis"
(p.107).
The Organic Law of the Food Sovereignty Regime (2009) values the
multifunctionality of peasant agriculture, small and medium rural
producers and proposes to guarantee (among other rights) access to
water, human rights and land as a social function.
In 1990, the concept of food security, a term constructed by some
countries around the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
Nations (FAO), was developed:
Food security exists when everyone at all times has economic and
physical access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their
dietary needs and food preferences for a healthy and active life. (FAO
cited by Gordillo & Obed, 2013, p.4).
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Via Campesina (1996) introduces the concept of food sovereignty in
the framework of the World Food Summit with the following words:
"the right of peoples, their countries or unions of States to define their
agrarian and food policy, without dumping vis-à-vis third countries"
(p.1). From a more local vision, as stated by leaders of Chachi and
black communities (2017) food sovereignty is:
The right of peoples and nationalities to have access to healthy, safe,
permanent, nutritious and culturally appropriate food. The right to the
rescue of local agrobiodiversity and ancestral knowledge; as well as
to conserve their territory, to keep their rivers clean, to decide where
to produce, how to produce .
Based on a holistic and integrating vision, food sovereignty is defined
as the right of rural communities -peoples and nationals- to have
access to land to produce healthy, permanent, nutritious and
culturally appropriate food; but it is also the right of consumers to
have permanent access to healthy food with high nutritional value.
This right is recognized in Article 281 of the Constitution of Ecuador -
as mentioned above - and is complemented by Article 282, which
states the construction of a process of land redistribution with a social
and environmental function.
Taking into account this referential framework, food sovereignty is
understood as a paradigm that proposes the right of peoples to
define how they produce, distribute and consume their food in a
context where traditional knowledge and practices are closely related
to the concept of family farming, biodiversity, climate change,
sustainability, gender and interculturality.
Territory and ancestral territories, a holistic perspective
To understand the category, we quote Beraún and Beraún (2006): "It
is a space defined and delimited by and based on power relations"
(Lopes De Souza, 1996 cited by Beraún and Beraún, 2006, p. 2). Under
this vision, and in context, we understand that the locality of the study
has been marked by the degree of control of social actors, who tend
to objectify the space with their rules and actions.
From a local perspective - Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous
populations - the concept of territory externalizes a model of
traditional and legal social organization for the production and
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conservation of traditional knowledge space, as expressed in the
following quote:
The territory is the space for reunion and social, cultural recreation,
where traditional knowledge and practices are expressed, for the
conservation of forms of production, and care of nature, which make
traditional knowledge the mechanism for reinvention in the face of
modern ideas that show to be unsustainable (Workshop in northern
Esmeraldas, 2016).
From a vision of rights, ancestral territory is understood as a space for
the preservation of culture, language, uses and customs, substance of
the identity and self-determination of peoples and nationalities; in
addition, it is considered as a collective right provided for in
international conventions and treaties, therefore, an obligation for
States (International Labor Organization-ILO, 2014).
Ownership of the territory of Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous
communities is based on the constitutional mandate. The Constitution
of the Republic (2008) recognizes these territories by accepting the
formation of communes, centers, associations and other forms of
social organization that have collective ownership of the land as an
ancestral form of territorial organization, as expressed in Article 57,
paragraphs 4, 5 and 6.
Territorial units and current land use
As mentioned above, the communities in the study area are located
in the upper basin of the Cayapas River and its highly biodiverse
tributaries, covering 72,346.94 hectares, organized into three zones
or territorial units as shown in Table 1. For the purposes of the study,
we selected two communities from zone 1, six communities from zone
2, and one community from zone 3, whose names are in italics.
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Table 1.
Territorial units of the communities in the Telembí parish
Source: Telembí Parish Government, 2011.
Zone
Center/Commune
Territorial units area,
has
ONE
Large Squash
806,6
Comuna Río
Santiago Cayapas
(Aquí Me Quedo,
Montalvo,
Tiguanero,
Inmaculada and
Telembí)
7.042,00
Tsejpi
6.688,00
Jeyambi
1.991,00
Chispero
800
Guadal
1.796,53
SUB-TOTAL
19.124,13
TWO
Majua
4.267,00
San Miguel Chachi
5.813,00
San Miguel Black
2.500,00
White Water
1.687,50
Smallpox
5166,8
Mansa Street
1.796,53
SUB-TOTAL
21.230,83
THREE
Large Current
6.583,68
Sabalito
6.392,91
Bellavista
1.050,00
Hualpi del Cayapas
2.592,23
White Sheet
3.451,50
Naranjito de Hualpi
1.218,66
Chontaduro Rivera
2.300,00
San Francisco de
Hojas Blanca
2.703,00
Hidden Treasure
2.500,00
New Homeland
2.500,00
April 10th
SUB-TOTAL
31.991,98
TOTAL
72.346,94
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Regarding current land use, the Telembí parish has 88% of its territory
covered by forests, state and private reserves, 7% in crops, 0.5% in
populated areas, 3.00% in stubble and 1.50% in mining areas (see
Table 2), which undoubtedly ensures an important area of territory for
food sovereignty.
Table 2
. Current land use
LAND USE
ZONE ONE
ZONE
THREE
Forest
harvesting
forests
9.888,30
48.424,61
State
Reserve
Forest
18.508,71
15.143,49
Private
Reserve
Forest
3.223,32
5.806,57
Agroforestry
Crops
2.019,99
2.979,00
Mining Area
1.916,00
-
Pastures
117,34
4.072,50
Human
settlement
(population
centers)
115,5
Stubble
1.467,00
2.250,00
Short cycle
crop
366,68
1.395,00
African Palm
-
49,5
TOTAL
37.632,84
80.258,67
Source: Telembí Parish Government, 2011.
From the conception of territory - in the locality of the study - they
develop interesting dynamics in which traditional and juridical models
of social organization, production and commercialization relations
typical of rural and ancestral societies are revealed. Hence, this
collective considers the territory as a source of food and other factors
for coexistence. This is how they explain it in the focus groups:
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The territory for us is everything, the life of people, plants and animals
depends on the territory, our rivers, in the river we obtain products
for food and it is also the access route; everything we plant to eat, the
forest and all the wealth that exists in the ecosystem is settled in a
territory, but the threat we have is strong.
The Afro-Colombian and indigenous Chachi communities located in
the context of the study have inherited a historical and cultural life
project. They develop a survival strategy in close relationship with
nature; the inhabitants of this territory define themselves as the
guardians of the forest and, currently, these communities struggle
against the adverse effects and socio-environmental risks produced
by the interaction with actors that show interest in territorializing the
region, as mentioned above, determined as "a space defined and
delimited by and based on power relations" (Lopes De Souza, 1996
cited by Beraún and Beraún, 2006, p. 2).
Nevertheless, these communities persist in the defense of their rights,
preserving their geographic, social, productive and cultural space.
They struggle to maintain territoriality in the region and prevent new
social groups from imposing their rules through objectification and
incidence in time and space. The concept of territoriality is
understood as: "The degree of control of a given geographic space
by a person, a social group, an ethnic group, a company or a State"
(Montañez, 1997 cited by Rodríguez, 2010, p.198).
Traditional spaces for family food production, considered ethno-
knowledge, are key to food security and sovereignty. As explained by
the members of the communities interviewed, and published in two
GIZ documents (2013), they were inherited from the elders and have
been developed and adapted in relation to the geographic location
where they are settled (river and/or mountain). These spaces,
established by the local people, are hill, canoera, cantero, river and
mountain.
Colino. This is the most favorable space for the communities' food
security and sovereignty. It has an area of approximately one hectare
where bananas (the most important food for black families) and other
crops such as coconut, pineapple, corn, arazá, avocado, papaya,
borojó, yucca, pumpkin, cocoa, beans, etc. are grown. Some cocoa
plots are generally planted alone or in association with plantains. Of
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the aforementioned products, cocoa is mostly destined for sale and
corn is used especially for raising domestic animals such as chickens
and pigs. This conclusion is the result of observations made during
several years of work in Chachi and black communities by one of the
co-authors of this document.
Cabbage is a traditional crop managed by both the Chachis and Afro-
Ecuadorian communities, and is essential for feeding the families
settled in the Cayapas River basin; for GIZ (2013), "cabbage comes
from the seed of the banana, not only because green is the most
important product of all that is planted in the cabbage" (p.33).
Canoeras. These are traditional spaces managed by black women,
generally built one meter wide by two meters long and elevated 1.5
meters above the ground. For the construction of the canoe, local
materials such as wood, guadua cane or pambil are used. After the
canoe is stopped, different types of earth are placed in it, such as
marmaja, which is made of rotten tagua sticks, or the marmaja that is
piled up on the banks of the rivers, which is mixed with river sand.
The canoeras are located next to the houses and are spaces that allow
us to relate concepts of gender, generational, agro-biodiversity and
ancestral knowledge. Aromatic, food and medicinal plants such as
chillangua, various types of basil, chirarán, guasca mint, onion,
discancer, oregano, plantain, bell pepper, cucumber, chili, etc., are
planted in the canoeras (GIZ, 2013).
Cantero. It is a space managed and maintained by a few families
where several types of sugar cane are grown, such as coneja, cubana,
piojota, etc. In the cantero they have a handmade sugarcane mill.
Several people grind the sugarcane by hand and then cook the
sugarcane juice to make guarapo, cocadas, panela and different types
of sweets that are shared and enjoyed during holidays. Sugarcane
juice and honey were traditionally used to sweeten chocolate (a
traditional drink of the Afro people) and shampoo, a drink used by the
Chachi at Christmas parties or at ancestral marriages. Sugarcane, as
well as bananas and other short-cycle crops such as beans and corn
are fundamental to the production and nutrition of the local people,
as expressed by the people of the communities.
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Mountain. GIZ (2013) indicates that from the collective memory, the
mountain is defined as "a great village of trees where the memory of
the ancestors sleeps" (p.11). The hunting activity is mainly carried out
in the mother mountain or forest and begins in the early morning
hours; it is carried out by men, using traps that are set in selected
areas and kept by the hunters in each community until the following
day. It is a knowledge that is not practiced by all the men in the
communities; there are people in each community who specialize as
hunters.
The construction and assembly of traps and the trapping mechanisms
used by them is a daily practice that they learned from their elders.
The hunter's experience in the bush (mountain or forest), makes them
identify the characteristics of the animal by the footprints, the size of
the tracks, the direction they follow and the habitat, mainly by the
type of food (fruits, seeds and vegetables) consumed by the animals.
River. According to GIZ (2013), the river is the traditional collective
space mostly shared by the communities, as the only means of
transportation, in addition to providing vital liquid, it is used for food
preparation and personal hygiene, recreational space and other daily
activities. Fishing is an activity that is mostly carried out by men, but
women also practice it in the river and estuaries .
This is the traditional collective space mostly shared by the
communities, as the only means of transportation, in addition to
providing vital liquid, it is used for food preparation and personal
hygiene, recreational space and other daily activities. The river
provides them with different types of fish, shrimp, gazapos and clams.
They use some tools such as: tramayo, atarraya, catanga, hooks,
corrals, etc; although the activity is mostly carried out by men, women
also practice it. The construction and use of traps is something they
learn from their elders.
The spaces of traditional uses for access to food offer a diversity of
food products of plant and animal origin. The hills, the canoeras, the
cantero, the river and the forest (the mountain) still provide a variety
of animal protein; components that, according to the work of each
family, guarantee the food security and sovereignty of its members.
However, it is imperative to optimize management and use of
technology.
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On the other hand, we can point out that the spaces of use for food
production, the knowledge and practices of the population are closely
related to the concepts of Peasant Family Farming, where the role of
women in this context is central, due to the work they carry out in the
production, preparation and exchange of food.
Another objective of the research was to learn about the traditional
gastronomy accompanied by the flavors and products harvested and
acquired in the spaces for the production and access to food. The way
and the reasons for preparing their food are linked to everyday life,
festivities and rituals, and in some way these actions have allowed
strengthening traditions through gastronomy (Table 3).
Table 3.
Identification of dishes at community events
Type
Cotidianos
Holidays
Rituals
Artisanal
food
production
Salt
Tapao de
pescado
Panda de
fogón y de
perol
Holy Week
festivities: ripe
plantain wrap
Broth and
dried bearded
fish (always
smoked)
Deceased:
encocao and
tapado with
smoked
meat
Wakes:
tapao de
chancho
Sweet
Corn
mazamorra
Rice chicory
Holy Week
festivities:
preserves
(with Chilean
guineo,
rascadera and
papaya)
Shampoo
(with corn and
cane honey)
-----
Cocada
Coconut
striping
Coquitos
Panela with
coconut
Liquid
Panela
Beverages
Aromatic
water (hot)
Aged green
wash
Chontaduro
masato
Easter:
chocolate
with coconut
or milk
Aged green
wash
Births:
Cured bottle
(small sprue
and large
sprue).
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Masato de
maduro
Juices with
seasonal
fruits
Aguardiente
(sugar cane
product)
Aguardiente,
Canelazo
Guarapo
Condiments
Cura basil
Chillangua
Chives
Sweet and
spicy chili
Chirarán
Oregano
------
------
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Source: Participatory workshop communities Majua, San Miguel and
Playa de Oro, 2017.
There are many ingredients that make up the traditional cuisine of
Esmeraldas, for example: banana, coconut, cassava, sweet potato;
herbs such as: chillangua, oregano, chirarán, cilantro, hierbaluisa;
plants such as sugar cane, from which honey, molasses, raspadura and
panela are obtained; it also has an almost infinite variety of poultry,
such as: guacharaca, pava de monte, partridge, just to cite a few
examples. The main dish is the tapao, it is registered as the main dish,
for being quick to prepare, nutritious and tasty; the way to make it
goes from fish and bush meat, whether fresh, dried or smoked. The
base of its preparation is the fish, wrapped in white leaves and
seasoned with chillangua, chirarán, oregano and green plantain. The
encocao, typical in the region, is also reflected as part of the daily diet
of the community, it is prepared with fish, bush meat and poultry, can
be fresh, dried or smoked.
Finally, it was proposed to understand the elders' mandates on the
importance of rationally managing natural resources for collective
wellbeing. The communities consider that collective memory
(understood as a decolonial philosophy and practice to recover,
strengthen, reposition and reconstruct existence as an ancestral right)
is what allows them to preserve traditional agricultural and livestock
practices and the conservation of the territory.
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In this sense, local actors fight for the control of their territory, as an
important resource and space for their life project, which was
inherited as a reparation for the damage caused to their ancestors in
the processes of dispersion of the family trunks. The population bets
on the development of the capacities of the environment and its local
actors, especially youth and women, to achieve food sovereignty and
common welfare. A well-being that will be achieved through the
mandate of the elders, the struggle for the defense of the territory
and the fundamental rights to live well, such as access to land, the
democratization of technical and financial services, access to markets
and the preservation of ancestral knowledge.
Conclusions
The peoples of the northern zone have clearly identified several
traditional spaces for production, such as the hill, the canoeras, the
cantero, the mountain and the river. These allow them to plant,
maintain and recreate their cultural-ancestral agricultural and livestock
practices, which have remained as part of the peoples' acts of
resistance to colonization processes and have been sustainable for
more than 300 years.
Protein production is increasingly difficult due to deforestation,
contamination of rivers by mining and palm oil companies, changes
in consumption patterns and the loss of some peasant seeds, which
affect the way of life and food security of these populations.
The bearers of knowledge fulfill the mandate of the elders to transmit,
especially orally, their cultural practices to the next generations and
the relationship of the crops with the religiosity of the people.
Women take on the role of managing and maintaining the canoeras
and the cantera; they participate in the milling process and in the
preparation of sweets from the panela or sugarcane honey. Back
home, in the river, she takes the smell of the mountain; she brings up
the harvested inputs and prepares food for the family.
Women are key to the conservation and maintenance of native seeds,
as they know the entire process of harvesting, preparing and making
handicrafts from fibers obtained from the mother mountain (primary
forest). Mothers transfer their knowledge to their daughters in the
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colinos, canoeras and canteros. The men are in charge of hunting
activities, while the whole family participates in fishing.
The basic food of these people is green plantain, coconut, bush meat
(tatabra, saíno, venao, guanta, bush mouse, poultry, etc.), river fish
and, to a lesser extent, sea fish and shrimp. These foods are seasoned
with ingredients produced in the canoeras, such as chiyangua,
oregano, onion sticks, basil, chili, etc. The favorite dishes are "el
tapao" and "los encocaos", accompanied with aromatic waters of
lemon verbena, mint or oregano.
There are still many challenges to guarantee the sustainability of the
food system for current and future populations, for example:
implementing a program for the rescue and return of native seeds to
the communities, strategies such as: promoting agroecological fairs
for the commercialization and exchange of seeds, are sustainable
alternatives that are part of local traditions. Likewise, establishing
simple technologies that can be adapted to the conditions of the area
to improve productivity is an impressive necessity for the
communities.
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